NATIONS REGARDING DUTCH NEW GUINEA

1. The argument in this memorandum appears to be based on the view
that the inhabitants of Dutch New Guinea 'have some political
consciousness and are capable of expressing a useful opinion on
the form of government which they desire'. Available evidence in
the Department, however, suggests that there is no reason to alter
our existing belief that the vast majority of the inhabitants of
Dutch New Guinea are without political interest and are incapable
of appreciating issues involved in any problem of territorial
government. There are certain minority groups which may have
indoctrinated small sections of the native peoples, probably close
to the more settled areas on the coast of Northern Dutch New
Guinea. Johan Ariks, who leads one such group described by the
Consulate in Batavia as 'at best a small and unrepresentative
minority', has stimulated a movement (possibly with Dutch
inspiration though this is not proven) for separation of Dutch New
Guinea (Irian as he calls it) from the rest of Indonesia. Opposing
him is a party claiming a membership of merely 4,000 known as the
Indonesian Independence Party of Irian and seeking a link with the
Indonesian territories.

Furthermore it should be borne in mind that the inhabitants of
Netherlands New Guinea are for the most part ethnically distinct
from the peoples of Indonesia. Their ethnographic, cultural and
geographical links are with the rest of Melanesia. [Estimates of
the population vary between 500,000 + 1,000,000.] [2] 2. Any
estimate as to the possible significance of a 'Freedom Movement'
amongst the inhabitants of Dutch New Guinea should be made in the
light of the foregoing basic facts. It will not be surprising if
there are certain nationalistic stirrings, firstly amongst a
minority of native peoples in Dutch New Guinea who have come into
contact with Indonesians, and later amongst the tribes living away
from the coastal and settled areas. It is possible that Indonesian
inspiration could create problems for Dutch administration in the
future (if it were retained in Dutch New Guinea) through agitation
amongst the small number of articulate natives. It is very
doubtful, however, whether such nationalist movements as did
eventuate would attain any great momentum in the sense that they
would be supported for many years to come by the primitive
Melanesian native inhabitants of the sparsely settled non-coastal
areas of Dutch New Guinea. I think it is correct to say that it is
quite unreal in relation to Australian New Guinea to think in
terms of nationalistic activity for the time being amongst the
vast majority of native tribes who are essentially local in their
outlook and have no sense of unity as a Melanesian nation. I am
therefore a little uncertain as to what is meant in paragraph 7 of
the memorandum from New York where it is stated that if the Dutch
proposal succeeds at the moment 'a repressed nationalist group
probably with ambitions in relation to the whole of New Guinea,
would inevitably secure the full support of the Republic of
Indonesia'.

3. This memorandum from New York quite justifiably draws attention
to the dangerous consequences for Australian-Indonesian
relationships which could follow from an ill-advised policy in
regard to the future of Dutch New Guinea. I feel, however, that
possibly the consequences flowing from the assumption of control
by the Indonesians in Dutch New Guinea would be far more dangerous
than those which might follow the continuance of Dutch rule,
especially if the control of the Netherlands Government is
exercised through a trusteeship arrangement. (I might add that
[even] in the absence of a trusteeship arrangement the
consequences I have in mind might well be less dangerous if full
Dutch sovereignty were retained.) I have in mind the following
factors in making these statements:

(a) the lack of experience which an Indonesian administration in
Dutch New Guinea would necessarily exhibit in attempting to govern
a vast and economically socially undeveloped territory inhabited
by primitive Melanesians. From the consequent unstable conditions
in the territory would come the possibility of extremist
influences working amongst the native peoples, thus leading to
constant irritations between the Australian administration in New
Guinea and the Indonesian administration;

(b) the strong possibility that the Indonesians would permit
Asiatic immigration (even Japanese immigration) in large numbers
into Dutch New Guinea, thus rendering very likely infiltration of
Asiatic elements into Australian New Guinea, creating further
friction between administrations;

(c) retention of Netherlands control would give some hope that the
economic and social problems of Dutch New Guinea would be
adequately handled and that there would be some prospect of
preventing large scale immigration of Asiatic peoples especially
if the Dutch could be persuaded to negotiate a trusteeship
agreement under the terms of which the welfare of the inhabitants
would be the paramount objective, thus giving a pretext for
opposing migration of Asiatics whose presence could possibly
affect adversely the native Melanesians.

4. Apart from Palar's views, the evidence we have has led us to
believe that the Republicans have been [induced] to support the
demand for Indonesian control of Dutch New Guinea because of the
attitude of the East Indonesian representatives. Whilst it is true
that they may well be disappointed with any outright statement by
Australian representatives that they favour Dutch control in New
Guinea, it is not likely that so far as the Republicans are
concerned they will resent bitterly our inability to support the
Indonesian cause in relation to Dutch New Guinea. I think that the
correct tactics are being followed in not making any forthright
declaration but rather working through confidential channels to
the Indonesians and explaining our conviction that the long-term
interests of the Melanesian inhabitants of Dutch New Guinea would
be better served by a trusteeship arrangement, with the Dutch as
the trustee power, obliged under the terms of the agreement to
promote, not only the economic and social development of the
inhabitants of Dutch New Guinea, but also their political
progress, an objective to which we are committed in Australian New
Guinea.