(Due to arrive Melbourne-5.3.26)

My dear P.M.,

I discussed yesterday with Sir Cecil Hurst [1] and Malkin [2] the
particular way in which a Dominion would be involved by reason of
accession to the Locarno Pact. In the first place, Hurst was
rather inclined to admit that a Dominion had two alternatives as
to how it would accede-either it could do so as an independent and
responsible guarantor co-equal with either Great Britain or Italy,
or, as a sub-guarantor backing up and augmenting the British
guarantee.

After some thought he came to the conclusion that the second
alternative was the sounder of the two. On an emergency occurring,
it would be necessary for Great Britain to inform and consult with
the adhering Dominions (and, for that matter, the others too) as
far as the emergency would permit, and come to a conclusion with
them as to whether a casus foederis had arisen. When this had been
decided, Great Britain would so inform the League.

All that accession to the Pact would mean from the point of view
of Australia would be that the present Parliament and Government
of Australia would bind any succeeding Government to do its best
to persuade the Parliament of the day to make good its guarantee
if and when H.M.G. and the Australian Government of the day had
decided that a casus foederis had arisen. This, of course, in
fact, is all that any Government can do when it signs a treaty of
any sort involving possible obligations in the future.

The more Dominions adhere to the Pact, the stronger in the eyes of
the world is the British position as a guarantor. As a practical
matter, Dominion adherence to the Pact does not really mean
anything more than a gesture to the world. The Pact is an
instrument between heads of States. The King by his signature
commits all units of the Empire (whether they have adhered to the
Pact or not) to technical belligerency if and when Great Britain
feels it incumbent on herself to declare war to implement her
guarantee. Neither the King nor the Pact can commit a Dominion in
advance to more than technical belligerency. The next stage-active
participation in war-can only come about by decision of the
Dominion Parliament of the day on the merits of the situation.

This is the theory of the position. In practice, one would imagine
that a Dominion Parliament would be much more hesitant to leave
Great Britain in the lurch if the Dominion had put her signature
to an instrument of adherence to the Pact, than if she had not
done so.

I am trying to get the D.O. and the F.O. to get together and
produce a considered memorandum on what is actually implied by
adherence to the Pact, for transmission to you. If you are
considering having a Debate on the Pact in the near future, I
would cable to you any useful observations that they may have to
make in this regard, if you would let me know by telegraph.

2. The Australian Cable Service (Sun-Herald London Agency) moved
into their new quarters in the 'Times' Office this week. It was
good diplomacy on someone's part to get the 'Times' rights for
this service but, to my mind, it is a great pity that the
Australian Press Association (which represents practically all the
other papers in Australia except the Sun-Herald) did not get the
rights for the 'Times' news. I understand that the contract was
made by Campbell-Jones [3], the Editor or Managing Director of the
'Sun' in Sydney, who previously represented the Sydney 'Sun' in
London.

I should think that the recent Imperial Press Conference tour in
Australia will have opened the-eyes of the 'Times' people to the
relative importance of the various newspaper groups in Australia,
and one can only hope for the good of the whole show that, when
the present contract comes to an end, the A.P.A. will be given a
chance to obtain the facilities of the 'Times'.

3. At lunch at Mr. Amery's [4] house a few days ago, I met the
present Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia, His Honour Robert
Randolph Bruce. He has a vague idea that he may be a connection of
yours. He asks that he might have the privilege of knowing in
advance if and when you come through Victoria, B.C., on the way to
England, so that he can offer you some hospitality. He is a
pleasant mannered elderly man, with very bad sight-almost blind.

4. There was very little discussion at the 3rd February Cabinet as
to the advisability of having the Imperial Conference in October
1926. Your two telegrams were very useful to Amery. [5]

5. Had the Imperial Conference not been likely to eventuate this
year, Mr. Baldwin [6] had proposed to make a trip to Canada. This,
with Mr. Amery's trip to Australia via South Africa and New
Zealand, would have covered the Dominions fairly well.

There seems to be a good chance of another Canadian election in
June or July. They have a system of payment of members in Canada
under which they have to attend either 50 or 60 days before they
can claim any parliamentary salary at all. This fact is apparently
not unconnected with the present Parliament hanging on for three
months or so. A July election, I am told, fits in satisfactorily
after the sowing of the crops. It is hard to believe that the
present Government can last many months. [7]

6. 'A Grammar of Politics' by Laski [8], a young Radical Jew
lecturer in economics in, I think, London University, has
attracted considerable notice lately. Tom Jones [9] thinks it is
likely to be the Bible of the Labour Party in this country for
many years. It is very long and detailed.

7. When I told a man in the F.O. recently that Amery was getting
an Artificial Sunlight apparatus, he said: 'At least an artificial
sun need never set on the guardian of the British Empire now!'

I am, Yours sincerely,
R. G. CASEY