My Circulars D.34 [1] and 35. [2]

As a result of further consideration today the draft statement set
out in my telegram Circular D-33 [3] has been revised. Paragraphs
1 to 6 stand subject to small verbal changes. The remainder of the
draft replacing the former paragraphs 7 to 14 is as follows:-

7. The passages in the speech designed to give fresh assurances to
Herr Hitler's neighbours I pass over, since they will know what
value should be attached to them by reference to similar
assurances he has given in the past.

8. But it would be easy to quote sentences from his speeches in
1935, 1936 and 1938 stating in the most definite terms his
determination not to annex Austria or conclude Anschluss with her,
not to fall upon Czechoslovakia, and not to make any further
territorial claims in Europe after the Sudetenland question had
been settled in September, 1938.

9. Nor can we pass over Herr Hitler's radical departure from the
long professed principles of his policy and creed as instanced by
the inclusion in the Reich of many millions of Poles and Czechs
and the Pact with the Soviet Union concluded after his repeated
and violent denunciations of Bolshevism.

10. This repeated disregard of his word and these sudden
reversions of policy bring me to the fundamental difficulty in
dealing with the wider proposals in the German Chancellor's
speech. The plain truth is that, after our past experience, it is
no longer possible to rely upon the unsupported word of the
present German Government.

11. It is no part of our policy to exclude from her right place in
Europe the Germany which will live in amity and confidence with
the other nations. On the contrary we believe that no effective
remedy can be found for the world's ills that does not take
account of the just claims and needs of all countries and whenever
the time may come to draw the lines of a new peace settlement, His
Majesty's Government would feel that the future would hold little
hope unless such a settlement could be reached through the method
of negotiation and agreement.

12. It was not therefore with any vindictive purpose that they
embarked on war. Whatever may be the issue of the present struggle
and in whatever way it may be brought to a conclusion, the world
will not be the same world that we have known before. Deep changes
will inevitably leave their marks on every field of men's thoughts
and action and if humanity is to guide aright the new forces that
will be in operation all nations will have their part to play.

13. His Majesty's Government know all too well that in modem war
between great powers victor and vanquished must alike suffer a
cruel loss. But the surrender to wrong doing would spell the
extinction of all hope and the annihilation of all of those values
of life which have through the centuries been the mark and
inspiration of human progress.

14. I am certain that all the peoples of Europe, including the
people of Germany, long for peace, a peace which will enable them
to live their lives without fear, and to devote their energies and
their gifts to the development of their culture, the pursuit of
their ideals and improvement of their material prosperity. The
peace which we are determined to secure however must be a real and
settled peace not an uneasy truce interrupted by constant alarms
and repeated threats. It is the German Government and the German
Government alone, for it is they who by repeated acts of
aggression have robbed all Europe of tranquillity and implanted in
the hearts of all their neighbours an ever-present sense of
insecurity and fear.

15. I would therefore sum up the attitude of His Majesty's
Government as follows-
Herr Hitler rejected all suggestions for peace until he had
overwhelmed Poland as he had previously overthrown Czechoslovakia.

Peace conditions cannot be acceptable which begin by condoning
aggression.

The proposals in the German Chancellor's speech are perplexing and
uncertain and contain no suggestion for righting the wrongs done
to Czechoslovakia and to Poland.

Even if Herr Hitler's proposals were more closely defined and
contained suggestions to right these wrongs it would still be
necessary to ask by what practical means the German Government
intend to convince the world that aggression will cease and that
pledges will be kept. Past experience has shown that no reliance
can be placed upon the promises of the present German Government.

Accordingly, acts-not words alone-must be forthcoming before the
allies would be justified in ceasing to wage war to the utmost of
their strength. Only when world confidence is restored will it be
possible to find solutions of those vital questions of disarmament
and restoration of trade which are essential to the well-being of
the peoples.

There is thus a primary condition to be satisfied. Only the German
Government can fulfil it. If they will not there can as yet be no
new or better world order of the kind for which all nations yearn.

The issue is therefore plain. Either the German Government must
give convincing proof of the sincerity of their desire for peace
by definite acts and by the provision of effective guarantees of
their intention to fulfil their undertakings or we must persevere
in our duty to the end. It is for Germany to make her choice.