As the Berlin Conference draws to its close I am sending you this
personal message from myself to supplement the final report which
will be telegraphed to you as soon as it is settled.

As you will have seen from the regular official telegrams
reporting the progress of the Conference, its scope has been wider
and the problems more intricate than at any preceding one. As at
the Crimea the procedure followed was that the Foreign Secretaries
met in the mornings to thrash out the questions raised by each
Delegation, referring some for examination by Committees and
submitting others to the Plenary Meetings in the afternoons. I had
the advantage of attending the Plenary Meetings from the beginning
and have thus been able to maintain the continuity of the British
side in spite of the change of Government. The atmosphere has been
one of goodwill and cordiality, combined with the utmost freedom
and frankness of discussion. It has been evident that all three
Delegations have felt deeply their responsibility for the future
of the world, and, in our approach to all major questions, we have
throughout had it in mind that the unity and continued co-
operation of the three Governments is the first and greatest
essential for the preservation of world peace. The most important
items in the report will be:

(a) Poland-western frontier and political settlement.

(b) Germany-political and economic principles, including
reparations.

(c) Italy and south eastern Europe.

(d) The Council of Foreign Ministers.

Some remarks on each of these points follow:

(a) Poland. The conclusion on the Polish boundary was only reached
after long and searching discussions with the Polish
representatives. In this matter, as in some others, we found
decisions already being shaped for us by events. We made it our
prime concern to see that the new Poland would be independent,
democratic and in free communication with the world at large. We
have obtained assurances from the Polish representatives of their
firm intention to put into full fact the political settlement in
Poland which the Conference had already agreed.

(b) Treatment of Germany. The political principles and some of the
economic principles were settled without much difficulty. The rest
of the latter turned mainly on the decision about German
reparations which proved one of the most difficult questions to
settle, provoking long and arduous discussion. Our object
throughout was to avoid any plan which would stultify the
principle of the economic unity of Germany or produce a situation
in which Germany could pay reparations only at the indirect
expense of the United States and ourselves. The plan finally
agreed on is, in substance, the American plan.

(c) Italy and South Eastern Europe. We were under pressure from
the American side to take some further step towards admitting
Italy to the United Nations and from the Soviet side to recognise
the Governments of the satellite states. The statement on
'Admission to the United Nations' [1] secures both these without
prejudicing any points which we regard as essential. We found
greater willingness than hitherto to admit the press to south
eastern Europe, though whether we shall see free elections is more
open to doubt. The statement has the advantage of administering a
public rebuke to Franco. [2]

(d) The Council of Foreign Ministers. In the new Council of
Foreign Ministers we hope we have a machine for continuing co-
operation between the great powers. While the immediate task is to
formulate peace treaties and prepare for the eventual peace
settlement in Europe, we hope to use the Council as an instrument
for the settlement of other outstanding questions, some of which,
as you will have seen, have already been referred to it.

In general, I feel that we have made considerable progress towards
a better understanding between the three Governments and that the
decisions reached will provide a firm basis for a further advance.

You will, I know, give the documents we have produced your most
earnest consideration, and your comments would be most welcome.

Moreover, if you wish, the Foreign Secretary will be ready to
discuss each item with the High Commissioners in London.