Extract SYDNEY, 28 April 1940

I am happy to take this opportunity of saying a few words to the
Italian people in the name of the people of Australia.

We should understand one another better than we do. You have your
own glorious history and ideas about the future of your country.

Our history as Australians is a late growth; but as British
citizens it is long and glorious. We British citizens have had
certain differences with you but, on the whole, there exists
between us a well founded tradition of friendship, based on mutual
respect.

To-day there is war-a war which from time to time bursts forth
with such rapidity that every nation looks with fear at its
neighbours. In this war Italy is neutral. Australia is
belligerent. Now I want to explain to you why Australia is
belligerent and why Australia forms part of the group of nations
which is fighting Germany.

There are two reasons of special importance. First, we are a
British nation. We stand or fall with Britain. Secondly we love
liberty and we are ready at any moment to fight for independence.

The first of these reasons is usually little understood by non-
British nations. For those who are familiar with our traditions,
it is difficult to understand how the British Empire has been able
to reconcile the absolute political independence of the Dominions
with unshakeable loyalty towards a common Throne and common
tradition of spirit and thought. Australia governs herself. As her
Prime Minister I am responsible to Australian citizens and to no
one else. If Australia had wished to stand aside from this war
there would have been no obligation whatever for her to send a
single man, to equip a single ship, to manufacture a single gun.

But in fact we are sending overseas thousands of our men, we have
enormous factories steadily expanding for production of munitions
and aircraft, our Fleet co-operates with the British Fleet in many
seas wherever the battle zone extends, we send thousands of
Australian pilots whose ability and daring can well be appreciated
in a country like Italy which has achieved many magnificent
successes in the field of aviation. We do all this of our own free
will just as we shall do many other things for, whether we live in
Scotland, England, Ireland, Australia, Canada, South Africa or New
Zealand, we are all Britons and whoever is against one of us is
against us all.

The second reason-our love of liberty and independence-will be
readily understood by Italians. The names of Mazzini and Garibaldi
are familiar to us. However much she has been attacked and in part
subjugated, in the course of her long history, Italy has remained
proud and independent. She would never have been able to achieve
this if her sons had been prepared to accept the domination of a
powerful neighbour, or if she had not had within her the flame of
national pride. No country better than Italy can understand the
feelings of Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Holland and Belgium. These
countries are either groaning under the heel of the invader or are
anxiously wondering what tomorrow will bring. I say to you that no
nation, loving liberty, can willingly adapt itself to watching the
lamp of liberty going out in any country which has a great past.

Thousands of people throughout the world have looked on with
intelligent goodwill at the great constructive work carried out
after the war by your leader Mussolini. We are aware that your
problems, like our own, require solution through the arts of peace
and industry not through the destructive arts of war. When we
Australians think of Italy, we think of great Roman legislators,
poets, religious and secular thinkers, sculptors, painters and
musicians: in a word, Italy has made an immense contribution to
the arts of peace, and has thus contributed largely to the culture
of every country. Must all these things be destroyed? Must the
clock of civilisation be put back? Must the future of mankind be
governed only by brute force? We cannot think so, together with
other British peoples, we are determined that this shall not
happen. You are neutral, we are fighting: but we are convinced
that these precious things which we have in common are of supreme
importance and that we shall have your sympathy and your
understanding. [1]