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170 Sir Thomas Inskip, U.K. Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, to Mr R. G. Menzies, Prime Minister

Circular Cablegram B300 LONDON, 30 August 1939, 1.37 p.m.

IMMEDIATE MOST SECRET

My immediately preceding telegram Circular B.299. [1] Following
for Prime Minister.

It is specially desired that extreme secrecy should be observed
with regard to this telegram.

Following is the full text of Herr Hitler's [2] reply (begins).

British Ambassador in Berlin [3] has submitted British Government
suggestions [?to] which I felt bound to reply in order
(1) To give expression once more to the will of the Reich
Government for sincere Anglo-German understanding, co-operation
and friendship.

(2) To leave no room for doubt as to the fact that such an
understanding could not be bought at the price of a renunciation
of vital German interests, let alone the abandonment of demands
which are based as much upon common humanitarian justice as upon
the national dignity and honour of our people.

The German Government have noted with satisfaction from the reply
of the British Government and from oral explanations given by the
British Ambassador that the British Government for their part are
also prepared to improve the relationship between Germany and
England and to develop and extend it in the sense of the German
suggestion.

In this connection the British Government are similarly convinced
that the removal of German-Polish tension, which has become
unbearable, is the prerequisite for the realization of this hope.

Since Autumn of the past year, and on the last occasion in March
1939, there were submitted to the Polish Government proposals,
both oral and written, which having regard to the friendship then
existing with Germany and Poland, offered the possibility of a
solution of the questions in dispute acceptable to both parties.

The British Government are aware that the Polish Government saw
fit in March last finally to reject these proposals. At the same
time they used this rejection as a pretext for and occasion for
taking military measures which have since been continuously
intensified. Already in the middle of last month Poland was in
effect in a state of mobilisation. This was accompanied by
numerous encroachments in the Free City of Danzig due to the
instigation of Polish authorities; threatening demands in the
nature of ultimata, varying only in degree, were addressed to that
city. A closing of the frontier, at first in the form of a measure
of customs policy, but extended later, in a military sense
affecting also traffic and communications, was also imposed with
the object of bringing about the political exhaustion and economic
destruction of the German community.

To this were added barbaric actions of maltreatment which cry to
Heaven and other kinds of persecution largely of the German
national group in Poland which extended to the killing of many
resident Germans or to their forcible removal under the most cruel
conditions. This state of affairs is unbearable for a great power.

It has now forced Germany after remaining a passive onlooker for
many months in her turn to take necessary steps for the
safeguarding of German interests. And indeed the German Government
can but assure the British Government in the most solemn manner
that a condition of affairs has now been reached which can no
longer be accepted or observed with indifference.

The demands of the German Government are in conformity with the
revision of the Versailles Treaty in regard to this territory
which has always been recognised as being necessary: viz. return
of Danzig and the Corridor to Germany, the safeguarding of the
existence of the German national group in territories remaining to
Poland.

The German Government note with satisfaction that the British
Government further are in principle convinced that some solution
must be found for the new situation which has arisen.

They further feel justified in assuming that the British
Government too can have no doubt that it is a question now of
conditions for the elimination of which there no longer remain
days, still less weeks, but perhaps only hours. For in the
disorganized state of affairs obtaining in Poland, the possibility
of incidents intervening, which it might be impossible for Germany
to tolerate, must at any moment be reckoned with.

Whilst the British Government may still believe that these grave
differences can resolve by way of direct negotiations, the German
Government unfortunately can no longer share this view as a matter
of course. For they have made attempts to embark on such peaceful
negotiations, but, instead of receiving any support from the
Polish Government, they were rebuffed by sudden introduction of
measures of a military character in favour of developments alluded
to above.

The British Government attach importance to two considerations:

(1) that the existing danger of an imminent explosion should be
eliminated as quickly as possible by direct negotiation, and that
(2) the existence of the Polish State, in the form in which it
would then continue to exist, should be adequately safeguarded in
economic and political sphere by means of international
guarantees.

On this subject the German Government makes the following
declaration.

Though sceptic [sic] as to the prospects of a successful outcome
they are nevertheless prepared to accept the English proposal and
to enter direct discussions. They do so, as already emphasised,
solely as a result of impression made upon them by Britain's
statement received from the British Government that they too
desire a Pact of Friendship (Freundschaftsabkommen) in accordance
with general lines indicated to the British Ambassador.

The German Government desire in this way to give to the British
Government and to the British Nation a proof of sincerity of
Germany's intentions to enter a lasting friendship with Great
Britain. The Government of the Reich feel however bound to point
out to the British Government that in the event of a territorial
re-arrangement in Poland they would no longer be able to bind
themselves to give guarantees or participate in guarantees without
the U.S.S.R. being associated therewith.

For the rest, in making these proposals the German Government have
never had any intention of touching Poland's vital interests or
questioning the existence of an independent Polish state. The
German Government accordingly in these circumstances agree to
accept the British Government's offer of their good offices in
securing the despatch to Berlin of a Polish emissary with full
powers. They count on the arrival of the emissary on Wednesday the
30th August, 1939. The German Government will immediately draw up
proposals for a solution acceptable to themselves and will if
possible place these at the disposal of the British Government
before the arrival of the Polish negotiator. (Ends)

1 Not printed (On file AA: A981, Germany 83B, iii). It reported
the dispatch of circular cablegram B300.

2 Adolf Hitler, German Chancellor.

3 Sir Nevile Henderson.


[AA: A981, GERMANY 83B, iii]
Last Updated: 11 September 2013
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