My letter of 2nd January. [1] To convince French of
impracticability of their policy of destroy, disarm and divide
will require prolonged discussions thus precluding for months the
possibility of any joint declaration of Anglo-French peace aims if
political questions included.

In my view such a delay would be most unfortunate as the
possibility of general mass of people in the United Kingdom and
France not to mention the Dominions becoming discontented and
critical and losing their enthusiasm is a real danger. The Allied
cause is also being adversely affected in neutral countries and
the operation of the blockade and contraband control rendered more
difficult owing to lack of a definite statement by the Allies of
their peace aims visualizing the sort of world we desire to
establish once victory is achieved, and the paramount necessity
for security provided for. Absence of such a statement is also
playing into the hands of the Germans and Russians who in their
propaganda constantly suggest ruling classes in England and France
are fighting for the maintenance of the status quo of privilege
and for a plutocratic capitalism and imperialism.

This propaganda is undoubtedly having some effect here and in
neutral countries, and is strengthening the will to resist of the
German people.

United Kingdom shows no signs of initiating consultations and if
action to be taken pressure must come from Dominions.

I therefore suggest you should urge immediately Empire
consultation with a view to early discussions with French making
clear that you realize discussions on European political questions
will be prolonged and that public announcement impracticable at an
early date but urging that agreement as to peace aims in broad
outline but sufficiently specific to appeal not only to our own
and neutral peoples but to moderate opinion in Germany in respect
to economic and social questions should be possible fairly quickly
and stressing the importance of an early pronouncement. Statement
to have desired effect would have to be framed so as to appeal not
only to nations but also to individuals within the nations.

This I believe could be done by showing our determination to
create after the war in regard to the nations a world of greater
economic and financial equipment [sic] [2] and opportunity for all
countries and in regard to individuals a greater measure of
economic and social justice. In other words 'a statement regarding
the kind of world in which we hope to live when the war, has ended
in victory' (your telegram of 29th October). [3]

In statement we could not go beyond
(a) stating our objectives
(b) indicating problems that would have to be faced in order to
achieve them and
(c) outlining practical steps that we propose immediately to take
towards their solution.

With regard to (a) it should be possible to state these in a
convincing and appealing form.

With regard to (b) a great deal of consideration has been given in
the last two years to the problems such as, in the case of
nations, equality of economic opportunities, colonies, raw
materials, population questions and commerce, agriculture,
financial policies including methods of obviating recurring
periods of boom and depression, and, in the case of individuals,
standards of living, health, labour and social questions.

With regard to (c) the best method would probably be to refer
questions to new economic and social organization of League of
Nations or creation of some ad hoc body. Every effort should be
made to ensure the neutrals, especially the United States, co-
operate, and this might prove easier if the former utilized.

Problems arising out of reconstruction in the post-war period
including demobilization of armament industries should also be
referred.

Am sending you a note by next air mail on economic and social
aspects [4] supplementary to my letter of 2nd January.

BRUCE